Tag Archives: compromise

Demanding babies and fraught mothers

There was quite a bit of coverage at the end last week about a report published by Essex and Oxford-based researchers that looked at the effects of on-demand feeding versus scheduled feeding. The researchers analysed just over 10,000 thousand babies born in the 1990s and checked whether babies fed in a particular way at 8 weeks and 33 months achieved better academic results later in their lives and whether the well-being of the mothers was affected.

The authors of the study reported an association between being fed on-demand as a baby and higher IQ scores at 8 years and better SATs exam scores at 5, 7, 11 and 14 years. This held true for breastfed and bottle-fed babies. Another effect they uncovered was that mothers who fed on-demand reported lower confidence, higher fretfulness and worse sleep patterns.

Photo by Anton Nossik*

Now I’ve mentioned quite a few times the mantra that “correlation does not imply causation”, and so my immediate reaction to seeing this in The Guardian was ‘here we go again’. Journalists often overlook the limitations of correlative studies in favour of neat and tidy story – after all, “this behaviour causes this effect” has a bit more punch than “this behaviour is associated with this outcome, but it may be acting through a third or multiple independent variable(s)”.

For an entertaining and revealing example of this issue, I would recommend reading stand-up mathematician Matt Parker’s ‘mobile phone masts cause increase in birth rates’ hoax story.

My first thought when my wife told me about this story was that, rather than on-demand feeding directly causing the higher IQ scores, it could equally be that a third factor was at play. As a speculative example, it could be that an attentive personality primes a mother to feed on-demand and also, independently, to spend more time with their child on educational development. This is an important distinction because it would mean that mothers wouldn’t be able to improve their child’s academic chances by feeding on-demand, rather they would have to pay more attention to educational development.

The authors were well aware of possible confounders and tried to take into account other differences between the groups to narrow down the possibilities as much as possible. This involved adjusting for family income, the education level of the parents, different parenting styles, the age and sex of children, and general maternal health. After all this, there was still a significant difference – children who were fed on-demand as babies had, on average, IQ scores 4 points better than children who were fed to a schedule.

This study has an advantage over many other correlative studies in that a third group presented itself – mothers who wanted to feed to a schedule but were unable to and so fed on-demand, i.e. they wanted to be in one group (scheduled feeding) but ended up as if they were in the other group (on-demand feeding). Crucially, the children in this third group achieved the same elevated academic achievement as seen in the other on-demand group.

Photo by Tom Carmony**

This meant that the authors were able to suggest that the improved academic outcomes weren’t due to having the type of mother who wishes to feed to a schedule, but that they were due to the actual act of being fed on-demand. This relies on an assumption that the mothers in the scheduled feeding group and the attempted scheduled feeding group had similar characteristics, and would therefore have similar approaches in other ways that may affect educational development. This may not be entirely true as other, more subtle differences could exist between these groups, but it’s a tantalising result that merits further investigation. I guess measuring the amount of time spent with the child on learning and development would be something at which to look.

There will still be other factors at play and it is still essentially a correlation, but it starts to narrow down the possibilites. The authors themselves admit the limitations in their study, with the lead author Dr Maria Iacovou telling Science Daily:

“At this stage, we must be very cautious about claiming a causal link between feeding patterns and IQ. We cannot definitively say why these differences occur, although we do have a range of hypotheses. This is the first study to explore this area and more research is needed to understand the processes involved.”

Dr Iacovou was also fairly even-handed on Channel 4 news, rightly highlighting that we still don’t know the mechanism for the observed effects and this is really the first step in establishing a causal relationship.

The final thing to note about the study, is that it was gratifying that the researchers looked at both sides of the issue – the outcomes for the baby (IQ, academic achievement) and the mother (well-being indicators). I’ve written before about the importance of looking at all knock-on effects, as it can be counter-productive to focus solely on the baby if it means a serious detrimental effect on the mother’s mental health.

If on-demand feeding really does drive academic development, then implementing a healthcare strategy to encourage this must take into account the negative impact this may have on the mother and include an appropriate support mechanism. Otherwise, the effectiveness of the intervention will be limited, as mothers will be more likely to give up in favour of a reassuring routine.

As Dr Iacovou said, “mothers are people too”.

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Hat-tip to mum-in-law Jenny who sent me this story.

*CC licence: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en

**CC licence: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.en_GB

On the social environment

I was brought to thinking about child development and the influence of early parental nurturing after watching a lively exchange on BBC’s Newsnight between the clinical psychologist, Oliver James, and Dr Ellie Lee, a lecturer in social policy at the University of Kent.*

From what I could see, the intense antagonism (aside from James’ unwavering dogmatism) was partly the result of a difference between a purely clinical look at child development, by which controlled scientific studies are held up to encourage the need for early intervention, and the sociological implementation of these ideas, which can introduce many variables to successful intervention.

For instance, showing that supportive parenting behaviours can lead to improved mental and language abilities in infants is one thing (as James would point out), but how you successfully communicate that to parents and change behaviour, is another (as Lee might counter). To lay down a hard-and-fast prescription for parents to follow, without layering burden upon burden, is not always straightforward. A more nuanced approach is required, as appreciated in the Early Intervention report featured in the Newsnight item.

Oliver James, in particular, seems very disposed to attach blame to a parent for any perceived character flaw in their child, and guilt-tripping parents in this way seems an overly blunt approach. And this is the point that Dr Lee may have wished to explain more explicitly.

It seems to me, albeit speculatively, that the parent’s well-being is an important consideration when encouraging them to follow particular regimens. The current consensus of the scientific community may be that a child should be doing X, Y and Z, but it may also be the case that to achieve this, one or both of the parents would end up dangerously sleep deprived, mentally exhausted and with a strain on their relationship. This would be differentially affected by a person’s physiology, underlying immunity, predisposition to mental illness, and so on. It would also depend fairly heavily on a person’s life – their age, whether they’re a single parent, in proximity to close family, in a high pressured job, etc. All of these considerations temper any absolute assertion of an intervention based on clinical data.

The field of psychosocial research, which seeks to understand the interplay between one’s psychology and their social environment, is an important factor to consider when establishing any health initiative. It would be great to see whether there is any direct evidence related to this in the context of early intervention programmes for parents. A recent special issue in the journal Science, lays out some of the issues facing educational intervention initiatives, including the obstacles faced when moving from scientific research to public policy. The need for a holistic approach is summarised in the introduction:

Early childhood education remains peppered with both opportunities and debate. Continued progress will require new research that bridges traditional disciplines of neuroscience, psychology, sociology, economics, public policy, health, and education.

So whilst the clinical research may show that a particular intervention leads to the absolute best outcomes, it may be that a parent ends up finding a middle ground that still provides a beneficial environment for their child, but also a satisfactory outcome for themselves (a sort of cost-benefit assessment, if you like). It would be no good hectoring parents into following a specific course of action, with no amount of flexibility, if it leads to a significant worsening of their own physical or mental health, especially if the knock-on effect is a deterioration in family relationships. It seems highly unlikely that this would allow people to be good parents nor provide a decent environment for the child (a brief look at the scientific literature suggests this assumption isn’t entirely unreasonable, e.g. this, this and this).

I should emphasise that I do not wish to appear as though I am justifying or accepting of ‘bad behaviour’ of parents. There are clearly things we should all strive to do, things that are a struggle, and this will involve a series of adaptations, compromises and sacrifices.

Why, say, do one in five British adults smoke when we know categorically that is causes lung cancer, heart disease and increased risk of stroke? Worse, why do so many adults still smoke in the presence of children or during pregnancy, when passive smoking can cause the same health problems in children (and more) and parental smoking increases the chances that a child will smoke as an adult? A look at how mothers from disadvantaged backgrounds respond to tobacco control initiatives gives some clues – in short, increasing stigmatisation can be counter-productive.

I would like to think, though, that most, if not all, parents are happy to put their very best efforts in and would never be wilfully neglectful. But the point which seems to emerge is that the results of clinical research should be considered against a backdrop of social and population variances. In the case of early intervention, labelling a child as ‘at risk’ or categorically predicting their development, could be helpful in targeting the right guidance and support to the right people, but should not lead to undue and counter-productive stigmatisation.

So, appreciating that each baby, each parent, each family’s circumstance is different, is very valuable. It is critical, as always, to be guided by the scientific evidence available and make this the basis of any initiative to improve child development, but it may not be possible to then arrive at a ‘one-size-fits-all’ formula, a point similar to that made by Dr Luisa Dillner regarding sleep routine.

In short, it’s complicated. Plus ça change…

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* Better quality video embedded (05/10/2011) – thanks to Denys Andrianjafy.